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said Saïd Amin (@said) on Pinned comment
For all those having a temper tantrum over this, I recommend the following seminar/class: How to overcome my superiority complex about the color of my skin.

Note: superiority and inferiority feelings are two sides of the same psychological coin.
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MohammadAla Mohammad Ala (@MohammadAla) on Pinned comment
Pale skin people came from the West Asia (wrongly known as the Middle East).
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ChamoshChamoshvnd ChamoshChamoshvnd (@ChamoshChamoshvnd) on Pinned comment
Antonin Artaud - Pour en Finir avec le Jugement de dieu



Hear Antonin Artaud’s Censored, Never-Aired Radio Play: To Have Done With The Judgment of God (1947)

Antonin Artaud had his first mental breakdown at the age of 16 and, from there on out, spent much of his life in and out of asylums. Diagnosed with “incurable paranoid delirium,” Artaud suffered from hallucinations, glossolalia, and bouts of violent rage. And his treatment probably did about as much harm as it did good. He was prescribed laudanum, which gave him a lifelong addiction to opiates. He endured some truly horrific procedures like electric shock treatment along with the highly dubious insulin therapy, which put him in a coma for a while.

In spite of this, Artaud proved to be a hugely influential theorist and playwright, famous for coining the term, “Theater of Cruelty.” His performances were designed to assault the senses and sensibilities of the audience and awaken them to the base realities of life -- sex, torture, murder and bodily fluids. Artaud wanted to break down the boundary between actor and audience and create an event that was ecstatic, uncontained and even dangerous. His ideas revolutionized the stage.
As the late great Susan Sontag once wrote,
“no one who works in the theater now is untouched by the impact of Artaud’s specific ideas.”

www.openculture.com/2014/09/antonin-artauds-censored-never-aired-radio-play.html
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MashGhasem MashGhasem (@MashGhasem) on Pinned comment
خفتگان

به مناسبتِ بیستمین سالِ قیامِ دلیرانه‌ی گتتوی شهرِ ورشو




از آن‌ها که رویاروی
با چشمانِ گشاده در مرگ نگریستند،
از برادرانِ سربلند،
در محله‌ی تاریک
یک تن بیدار نیست.



از آن‌ها که خشمِ گردن‌کش را در گِرهِ مشت‌های خالیِ خویش فریاد کردند،
از خواهرانِ دلتنگ،
در محله‌ی تاریک
یک تن بیدار نیست.



از آن‌ها که با عطرِ نانِ گرم و هیاهوی زنگِ تفریح بیگانه ماندند
چرا که مجالِ ایشان در فاصله‌ی گهواره و گور بس کوتاه بود،
از فرزندانِ ترس‌خورده‌ی نومید،
در محله‌ی تاریک
یک تن بیدار نیست.


ای برادران!
شماله‌ها فرود آرید
شاید که چشمِ ستاره‌یی
به شهادت
در میانِ این هیاکلِ نیمی از رنج و نیمی از مرگ که در گذرگاهِ رؤیای ابلیس به خلأ پیوسته‌اند
تصویری چنان بتواند یافت
که شباهتی از یهوه به میراث برده باشد.







اینان مرگ را سرودی کرده‌اند.
اینان مرگ را
چندان شکوهمند و بلند آواز داده‌اند
که بهار
چنان چون آواری
بر رگِ دوزخ خزیده است.



ای برادران!
این سنبله‌های سبز
در آستانِ درو سرودی چندان دل‌انگیز خوانده‌اند
که دروگر
از حقارتِ خویش
لب به تَحَسُر گَزیده است.



مشعل‌ها فرود آرید که در سراسرِ گتتوی خاموش
به جز چهره‌ی جلادان
هیچ چیز از خدا شباهت نبرده است.
اینان به مرگ از مرگ شبیه‌ترند.
اینان از مرگی بی‌مرگ شباهت برده‌اند.
سایه‌یی لغزانند که
چون مرگ
بر گستره‌ی غمناکی که خدا به فراموشی سپرده است
جنبشی جاودانه دارند.



۱۶ اسفندِ ۱۳۴۱

shamlou.org/?p=146
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Dakho Dakho (@Dakho) on Pinned comment
Malcolm X: By Any Means Necessary
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Dakho Dakho (@Dakho) on Pinned comment
We Shall Not Be Moved



















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Dakho Dakho (@Dakho) on Pinned comment
We shall overcome












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Dakho Dakho (@Dakho) on Pinned comment
This Little Light Of Mine











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ChamoshChamoshvnd ChamoshChamoshvnd (@ChamoshChamoshvnd) on Pinned comment
This is a superbly argued and documented essay on the history of workers' democracy and the complexities involved in the processes initiating self organization of the people
Another fine source on this subject matter is the outstanding book below, by Sam Farber, covering the same topic a bit more extensively.
---
Before Stalinism:
The Rise and Fall of Soviet Democracy

"Before Stalinism: The Rise and Fall of Soviet Democracy" is an historical study of democratic life and institutions and their decline in the early years of the Russian Revolution.
Rather than an event-by-event description of this period, it is an attempt at interpretation and synthesis of the vast and relatively recent specialist literature on a subject usually neglected by those analysing Soviet politics for the public at large.


www.versobooks.com/books/2648-before-stalinism


.


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said Saïd Amin (@said) replied to ChamoshChamoshvnd (@ChamoshChamoshvnd) on Pinned comment
My pleasure! I personally love thought provoking articles and/or discussions that challenge my assumptions (so long as they remain civil, void of personal attacks). The article's premise/argument would of been better served as a longer length essay--as you point out, it's more nuanced than the generalized statements made by the author. Anyway, thanks for the back and forth. Upward and onward>>>
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ChamoshChamoshvnd ChamoshChamoshvnd (@ChamoshChamoshvnd) replied to Saïd Amin (@said) on Pinned comment
Yes, we could discern elements of a "creative destruction" in some wars, but could that be generalized to all wars?
Germany and Japan were already established industrial capitalist societies prior to WWII, and the US in its competition with USSR strongly pushed to revive their economies, as allies and a buffer against its Cold War nemesis. The Marshall Plan was a gargantuan, massive plan of action that hasn't been repeated yet.
Iran's introduction to full fledged capitalism began only after shah's "White Revolution" in the 60's, and even then our capitalism has always remained malformed and a Rentier capitalism, more than anything else.
Is war the ultimate capitalist solution in resolving its crisis of accumulation?
Such a claim could be proven empirically and historically, since the advent of capitalism up to now.
And thanx for posting a provocative article in here. 👍
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said Saïd Amin (@said) replied to ChamoshChamoshvnd (@ChamoshChamoshvnd) on Pinned comment
I think I understand what you're saying, but you might be interpreting the author's message literally. I don't read it as Kukis advocating war (for the sake of nation building), but rather acknowledging that conditions, in the aftermath of devastating wars, were historically more conducive for nations to rebuild. From Germany, Iran, Japan...look at how those nations rose from the ashes--why is that and why is this not happening with recent wars, post Iran/Iraq?
Increasingly, the fabric of nations are in flux, with fault lines/divisions exposed like no other time in history---and as such, it's perhaps possible that the aftermath of war is less of of unifier than it's historically been.

All that said, yes, "War ALWAYS destroyed nations" and sadly, it will continue to do so.
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ChamoshChamoshvnd ChamoshChamoshvnd (@ChamoshChamoshvnd) on Pinned comment
Seriously?
War "helped" with "building" nations through a process of destroying the smaller nations that couldn't win against the big nations which invaded them.
War ALWAYS destroyed nations, still destroys nations and will continue to destroy nations; smaller nations in favor of bigger, stronger ones.


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Kargar Kargar (@Kargar) on Pinned comment
The centenary of October Revolution is once again bringing up the debates and issues related to the greatest revolution of the 20th century.
One of the topics less dealt with in this historical reexamination and critique of the October revolution is the rare nature of the Russian working class in early 20th century, with overwhelming majority of workers being first or second generation workers; newly arrived from the countryside. And more importantly how this 'pure' working class was heavily influenced by social democratic and other types of populist, Leftist literature.
Such a combination of newly industrialized workers and an army of socialist, populist organizers is indeed rare in modern history, and a phenomenon not seen in many subsequent labor movements in other countries.

We would remiss not to recall how Marx thought about the reflexive nature of workers' revolutions and how they are constantly involved in a permanent process of critiquing themselves.

"Proletarian revolutions, on the contrary, such as those of the nineteenth century, criticize themselves constantly; constantly interrupt themselves in their own course; come back to what seems to have been accomplished, in order to start over anew; scorn with cruel thoroughness the half measures, weaknesses and meannesses of their first attempts; seem to throw down their adversary only in order to enable him to draw fresh strength from the earth, and again, to rise up against them in more gigantic stature; constantly recoil in fear before the undefined monster magnitude of their own objects—until finally that situation is created which renders all retreat impossible, and the conditions themselves cry out:
"Hic Rhodus, hic salta!"


Last but not least let's recall how he thought about the social revolutions of the nineteenth century:

"The social revolution of the nineteenth century can not draw its poetry from the past, it can draw that only from the future. It cannot start upon its work before it has stricken off all superstition concerning the past. Former revolutions require historic reminiscences in order to intoxicate themselves with their own issues. The revolution of the nineteenth century must let the dead bury their dead in order to reach its issue."


The same approach ought to be taken towards social revolutions of the 20th century, including but not limited to the October Revolution.
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MashGhasem MashGhasem (@MashGhasem) on Pinned comment
نژاد پَرَستی و ایرانی پرستی احمقانه؟

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ChamoshChamoshvnd ChamoshChamoshvnd (@ChamoshChamoshvnd) on Pinned comment
Anti-War Demonstrators Storm Pentagon 1967/10/24





The Armies of Night By Norman Mailer

www.nytimes.com/books/97/05/04/reviews/mailer-armies.html


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ChamoshChamoshvnd ChamoshChamoshvnd (@ChamoshChamoshvnd) on Pinned comment
In 1924 Georg Lukács wrote a slim little short book on Lenin, titled: "Lenin: A Study on the Unity of his Thought." Notably he never, ever once uses the term 'Leninism.' After 93 years Lukács book remains of one the best,if not the best book on the substance and significance of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin.


Lenin: A Study on the Unity of his Thought
www.marxists.org/archive/lukacs/works/1924/lenin/index.htm

Out of the chaos following Lenin’s death and the mounting fury against Lukács and his freshly penned History and Class Consciousness (1923), this book bears an assessment of Lenin as “the only theoretical equal to Marx.” Lukács shows, with unprecedented clarity, how Lenin’s historical interventions — from his vanguard politics and repurposing of the state to his detection of a new, imperialist stage of capitalism — advanced the conjunction of theory and practice, class consciousness and class struggle. A postscript from 1967 reflects on how this picture of Lenin, which both shattered failed Marxism and preserved certain prejudices of its day, became even more inspirational after the oppressions of Stalin. Lukács’s study remains indispensable to an understanding of the contemporary significance of Lenin’s life and work.


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ChamoshChamoshvnd ChamoshChamoshvnd (@ChamoshChamoshvnd) on Pinned comment
Lenin was definitely a tremendous organizer and a great revolutionary. He also had some great shortcomings in his analysis of the Russian society and its implications as far as constructing Socialism was concerned.
The article below is a critical assessment of the Russian Revolution.

The Russian Revolution Revisited
www.solidarity-us.org/site/node/3733
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